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Kommersant
Only 2 out of 16 regions, where in September will be held gubernatorial elections, the experts of the Foundation for civil society development (Fcsd) provide “a competitive edge” — in Karelia Republic and Kirov region. The report about the upcoming elections Fcsd concludes that the decline in competition as the tendency of the last five years and the need to “renovation,” but not the abolition of the municipal filter. Proposes to exempt the party from the filter if they have representation not less than 25% of the municipalities. In ISSI, which became the initiator of introduction of the municipal filter, indicate that the proposed way of adjustment.
The signs of a competitive campaign Fcsd found in Karelia Republic and Kirov region. “Irina Petelava can’t defeat Arthur Parfenchikov and is unlikely to achieve the second round, but under certain circumstances it has the power to bring down his score to 55-53%. Parfenchikov will receive the lowest result acting out,” — said in a report on the upcoming September elections of heads of regions. The authors recall that, having taken the second place on elections of the mayor of Petrozavodsk in 2002 (11,3%), MS Petelava was the first of the “Karelian oppozicioneri”, and in 2016 elections to the state Duma on the Karelian district took the second place (17,5%). Potential Communist Sergey Mamayev in the Kirov region the Fcsd experts estimate below and consider it “less dangerous” for the acting Governor Igor Vasiliev, noting that success in the elections of the head of the Mari El Republic in 2015 (32,3%) Communist made “due to the anti-rating” of the head of Republic Leonid Markelov. But even with the corruption charges brought against Kirov Governor Nikita Belykh, according to the report, Mr. Mamaev can expect in the Kirov region only 15.9% (disapproval of Mr. White).
In other regions (in September we will choose 16 governors) elections will be held by referendum scenario, according to the Fcsd, and to improve competitiveness will help “renovation” municipal filter “in the abuse of restrictions on competition, and its artificial cultivation, questionable.”
The downward trend of competitiveness the authors of the report see in the next five years: during this time chose the heads 67 of the subjects of the Russian Federation, and in the Komi Republic, Zabaykalsky Krai, Amur and Bryansk regions, elections were held twice (part of regions in this cycle were not included, their heads will be elected for the first time after the return of gubernatorial elections). “In five years, from 71 campaign competition was only ten” — experts believe. They include elections in the Irkutsk region in 2015, which concluded with the election of the candidate from the Communist party Sergei Levchenko. Also called competitive elections of the mayor of Moscow in 2013 (Chapter FBK Alexei Navalny was the second), elections of heads of republics of Altai and Yakutia (2014), the governors of the Amur, Arkhangelsk and Omsk regions and Mari El Republic (2015), heads of Ulyanovsk region and Transbaikalia (2016). “Alexei Navalny would not be able to register, if the signature for it is not collected, the Moscow United Russia” — reminiscent of the Fcsd experts on restrictive action of the municipal filter.
Fargo proposes to exempt the party from passing the filter, if it is not less than 25% of the municipalities subject, and to prevent the repurchase of the seats of municipal deputies to establish that the transitions from party to party after the election are not counted in the calculations. For the rest it is proposed to reduce the upper limit of the filter to introduce a ban on collecting signatures in a quantity more than required for registration, which will remove the problem of “dual signatures”. The head of Fargo Konstantin Kostin acknowledges that the reduction of competitiveness affects not only the presence of the filter. According to him, this lack of “proper legislative responsibility for the opposition parties that do not use the window of opportunity and does not build a political infrastructure where possible.” In addition, he pointed to the authority of the President, which yields “significant electoral bonus” to one of the candidates, providing support and appointing acting. In Fargo this is called “presidentialist” political system.
Expert ISSI Alexander Fire is not conditioning the competitiveness with the municipal filter (the Foundation was the initiator of its introduction). He recalled, “Kommersant” that the direction of revision of the ISAPI filter indicated in their reports dedicated to this in 2012 and 2014. To combat the “dual signatures” ISSI offered to publish a list of MPs who supported the candidate, within one to three days after the date of the signature sheets. ISSI also advised the subjects of the Russian Federation in the adoption of laws on the establishment of two-level urban districts and the extension of municipal deputies to reduce municipal filter to the lower boundary of 5-6% depending on the number of municipal deputies. In the 2014 report ISSI concludes that the transition to the election of governors, the filter has provided “institutional protection from penetration into the power of candidates with radical, criminal or separatist views.”