Granddaughter of Khrushchev Khrushchev called the symbol of free Russia

Granddaughter of Khrushchev Khrushchev called the symbol of free Russia

Great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev, Professor of international relations at the New School University in new York, Nina Khrushcheva, Khrushchev called a symbol of “free Russia” in his column for the us edition of Project Syndicate.

The main purpose of building Khrushchev was the protection and advancement of private life, wrote of Khrushchev, and explains to his readers that the practice of urban construction under Stalin, forced 30 people to share the room, kitchen and bathroom of one apartment.

“With the reform 50 years, the family was exempted from communal life and not just got their own rooms, kitchens and bathrooms, but could live without fear that their conversations will be eavesdropped on by the KGB,” she writes, and notes that Khrushchev hoped that they will serve the people until the 1980s when, according to his calculations, was to come the era of “proletarian luxury.”

“In fact, Khrushchev became a symbol of a freer Russia for nearly half a century, she writes. Some of them, no doubt, dilapidated and need replacement. Others will have enough to repair,” she writes in an example of a successful reconstruction of the houses of that period indicates that in the Netherlands, was recently awarded an architectural prize for reconstruction of the dilapidated houses of the type of Khrushchev on the outskirts of Amsterdam.

Khrushchev also tells readers of the publication about the rally against the renovation of the five-story building in Moscow, which took place may 14 and compares this rally to protest the beginning of the decade, when the “narrow” opposition groups — from environmentalists to motorists — have teamed up to bring their problems to the attention of the Kremlin.

According to her, the struggle of the unions that “pursuing political goals” ultimately increased the protests on Bolotnaya square.

According to Khrushchev, Putin appealed to “Patriotic nationalism”, the apotheosis of which was “annexation of Crimea” and the persecution of opposition leaders who took part in the protests on Bolotnaya. Some time “it seemed that this approach works”, but antiprotestnye rallies in Russia on 26 March, organized by Alexei Navalny and protest against the demolition of Khrushchev on may 14, in its view, suggests that “dissent is not suppressed until the end,” said Khrushchev.

The purpose of the March protests and rally against the renovation was not to overthrow the government, and demand that the protesters be heard, she writes. But then the President of Russia Vladimir Putin has only two options — “to suppress dissent, as he did in 2012,” or to declare “another military campaign”. “It is better one time to listen to people. It will cost him cheaper than to wage war,” she concludes.

Nina Khrushcheva was born and raised in the Soviet Union. He graduated from the philological faculty of Moscow state University in the late 1980-ies, and then went to study at Princeton University. After graduating, decided to stay in the United States. Teaches international Affairs at the New School University in new York, he studied the works of Vladimir Nabokov.

Nina — daughter Yulia Khrushcheva and granddaughter of Leonid Khrushchev, eldest son of Nikita Khrushchev from his first marriage. During the Second world war, a fighter pilot Leonid Khrushchev died. Nina’s mother, Julia (granddaughter of Khrushchev by birth) was adopted by Nikita Khrushchev.

Thus, by birth as his great-granddaughter, Nina has Nikita Khrushchev granddaughter and calls him grandfather.

About my family wrote the book “the Lost Khrushchev: a Journey into the GULAG of the Russian mind” (The Lost Khrushchev: A Journey Into the Gulag of the Russian Mind).